Book: America: Imagine a World Without Her
Quotes of Book: America: Imagine a World
A third entrepreneurial contribution is risk. While labor gets paid its fixed wage, the entrepreneurs take all the risk. Entrepreneurs might do well, but they might also lose money, ending up worse than they were before they started. The worker's risk is much lower: at worst, he's out of a job and doesn't get additional wages. No one, however, asks the worker to receive wages only if the company does well, or to give back wages to help the company meet its obligations. So these distinctive entrepreneurial contributions-ideas, organization, and risk-are very different from "labor," indeed they involve the establishing of a system that then enables labor to function. If labor gets paid "wages" in return for its contributions, entrepreneurs get paid "profits" in return for theirs. There is nothing inherently unfair about that, even when the profits are substantial, since without entrepreneurs, the workers would not have their jobs. Moreover, the parking lot guy seems to be suffering from an optical illusion. He thinks that he is doing the work of parking the car, but he is merely the last man in a chain of employees who are getting this particular job done. The parking lot guy wonders, "All I got paid was $100. Where did the rest of the money go?" Well, it went to all the other people who created and designed, and continue to maintain and manage a resort property in which it is feasible to charge $25 per day to park a car. Instead of wallowing in his grievances, and voting for Obama, the parking lot guy would do better for himself if he asked, "How can I become one of the managers?" or "How can I start a company that builds and operates parking lots? book-quoteObama is the first president whose ideology was shaped by the radical 1960s. Bill Clinton was the first president who grew up in the 1960s, yet Clinton was also shaped by older influences, including Southern patriotism and Bible Belt conservatism. Clinton came of age in the era of the sexual revolution, and his personal behavior displayed the self-indulgence of the 1960s, yet Clinton's policies showed nothing of the animus toward America that we find in Davis, Said, Unger, Ayers, and Wright. I am sure if you asked Clinton, even today, whether he would like to see America remain number one, he would emphatically say yes and be astonished that he was even being asked the question. With Obama, however, who knows what he would say, and whatever he said, it would probably be quite different from what he actually felt. The reason Obama has evaded and lied about his associations is that he doesn't want people to know what he learned from them, and the degree to which their views of America are also his. Born in 1961, Obama was too young to have participated in the radicalism of the 1960s, but he is our first president who has learned, from the ideologues of that era, to think of his own country as America the Inexcusable. book-quoteThe 1960s was motivated by repudiation of the old way and the quest for a new way. "Liberation" now came to mean liberation from old values-from the spirit of 1776. This took many shapes and forms-drugs, religious experimentation, sexual promiscuity, even bra-burning, as well as protesting, looting, and rioting. Perhaps most repulsive was the heartless ingratitude and even meanness that young people showed their parents. When frugal, hardworking, patriotic parents saw their teenage children giving them and all they held dear the finger, they saw, with a deep sadness, all that their hard work and savings had wrought. In the late 1960s, from the point of view of parents, America became a foreign country. book-quoteRoberto Mangabeira Unger, Obama's teacher at Harvard Law School and friend since then, has sought to hide his association with Obama. "I am a leftist," he later told an Obama biographer, "and by conviction as well as temperament, a revolutionary. Any association of mine with Barack Obama . . . could only do harm." Unger advocates what he terms "world revolution," a basic takeover of financial institutions and their reshaping to serve global economic equity. For instance, Unger calls for "the dismembership of the traditional property right" in favor of what he calls "social endowments." Most remarkably, Unger calls for a global coalition of countries-supported by American progressives-to reduce the influence of the United States. He calls this a "ganging up of lesser powers against the United States." He specifically calls for China, India, Russia, and Brazil to lead this anti-American coalition. Unger says that global justice is impossible when a single superpower dominates. He wants a "containment of American hegemony" and its replacement by a plurality of centers of power. book-quote
