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Good and Mad: The Revolutionary Power of Women's Anger
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Good and Mad: The Revolutionary Power of Women's Anger
Quotes of Book: Good and Mad: The
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
calls for civility are designed to protect the powerful by casting them as victims.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
The connection women were feeling in shared fury was its own home, its own reward, its own community, and for some the pushback to their activism, the losses it incurred-money, domestic comforts, relationships built in other circumstances, based on earlier expectations for comportment-were not worth retreating for.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
Consider that the white men in the Rust Belt are rarely told that their anger is bad for them. Rather, and correctly, we understand that what's bad for them are the conditions that have provoked their frustration: the loss of jobs and stature, the shortage of affordable healthcare and daycare, the scourge of drugs. We understand their anger to be politically instructive, to point us toward problems that must be addressed. What we all-in the media, and in politics, and in our personal lives-can endeavor to do is to treat the anger of women as we treat the anger of white men.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
Perhaps the reason that women's anger is so broadly denigrated-treated as so ugly, so alienating, and so irrational-is because we have known all along that with it came the explosive power to upturn the very systems that have sought to contain it. What becomes clear, when we look to the past with an eye to the future, is that the discouragement of women's anger-via silencing, erasure, and repression-stems from the correct understanding of those in power that in the fury of women lies the power to change the world.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
Clinton's left critics would often comment that she'd lucked out in her draw of opponents, that she'd won-and then blown-a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to run against such a cartoonishly awful man. What this view failed to acknowledge was that it was the opposite of both luck and accident that this man had been summoned, elected by his party to face down the first woman who was running to be president, the woman we'd been assured would be president.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
This relative parity in coverage, the both-sides-ism that defined media coverage of the race, was a reflection of the lie at the center of everything. Because the reality was that Trump's racist and sexist attitudes were not in fact out of line with contemporary assumptions; they were not disqualifying. They were measured on the same scale that weighed Clinton's real but politically ordinary flaws, because on some level, his biases were still considered legitimate. The idea that the nation had moved beyond retro, macho white attitudes about who could lay claim to political power had always been a fable, one that had worked to quash the dissent and discourage the disruptive fury that might have otherwise had more power to beat back Trump before his rise.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
We must train ourselves to even be able to see and hear anger from women and understand it not only as rational, but as politically weighty. It is, in fact, an anger on behalf of the nation's suppressed majority and therefore especially frightening and combustible because of the threat it poses to the minority. We are primed to hear the anger of men as stirring, downright American, as our national lullaby, and primed to hear the sound of women demanding freedom as the screech of nails on our national chalkboard. That's because women's freedom would in fact circumscribe white male dominion.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
The vitriolic hatred of Clinton was sometimes only slightly less muted on the left, in part because of the sticky truth of her position: she did have power, she was one of the exceptional women to have risen within a white patriarchal capitalist system that hadn't been built for her, and she'd risen in part by participating in it.
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Rebecca Traister
_
Good and Mad: The
Consider that the white men in the Rust Belt are rarely told that their anger is bad for them. Rather, and correctly, we understand that what's bad for them are the conditions that have provoked their frustration: the loss of jobs and stature, the shortage of affordable health care, day-care, the scourge of drugs.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
The very fact that she had carefully established close relationships with big donors and garnered the support of bigwigs made her part of a political elite and vulnerable to the anti-establishment rhetoric of the men she'd wind up running against; it kept her from being understood or celebrated as the outsider that, as a member of a gender that had been historically denied access to executive power, she was. In figuring out how a woman might win within a system that had not been designed with her in mind, Clinton had set herself up to lose.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
The violence done by the more powerful entity-the police and the state-to the less powerful entity is often so normalized, so banal, so expected as to not even be discernible, not even visible. But angry resistance to that violence, coming from the less powerful and directed at the more powerful, is automatically understood as disruptive, dangerous, electric. The upset of power dynamics creates chaos.
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Rebecca Traister
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Good and Mad: The
The ability to narratively flip the dynamics of aggression and abuse-to view the less powerful as a menace to the aggressors-has been key to how white patriarchal structures have persisted.
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